A prolonged delay in the burial of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, signals a deepening crisis inside the Islamic Republic, according to a prominent Iranian strategist.

Dr. Ramesh Sepehrrad’s remarks came as peace talks between the United States and Iran stalled and internal tensions raised questions about the regime’s stability.

Fortieth-day mourning ceremonies for Khamenei began in Iran on April 9, with authorities withholding information about his burial more than 40 days after his killing. A three-day state funeral scheduled for early March 2026 had already been postponed.

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"Forty-four days have passed, and the regime does not have the confidence to publicly bury Mojtaba’s dead father," Sepehrrad of the Organization of Iranian American Communities (OIAC) told Fox News Digital.

"That is an indicator of the fear within this regime from top to bottom," Sepehrrad added, before describing how, usually, "a religious regime believes that their dead must be buried in 24 hours."

Khamenei was killed Feb. 28 in a strike targeting a regime compound in central Tehran, with a separate strike affecting his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, 56, who succeeded him.

Mojtaba is said to be still recovering from severe facial and leg injuries, three people close to his inner circle told Reuters on April 11.

Khamenei’s face was disfigured in the attack on the supreme leader’s compound in central Tehran, and he suffered a significant injury to one or both legs, three sources told the outlet.

"The 56-year-old is nonetheless recovering from his wounds and remains mentally sharp, according to the people, who requested anonymity to discuss sensitive matters."

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He is taking part in meetings with senior officials via audio conferencing and is engaged in decision-making on major issues, including the war and negotiations with Washington, two of the sources say, according to reports.

The report came as Iran navigated diplomatic efforts with the U.S. in Islamabad aimed at easing tensions amid a two-week ceasefire, which ultimately failed to produce a breakthrough.

"Mojtaba input in the broad red lines of negotiations, even if he is not the public face," Sepehrrad claimed. "At the end of the day, for more than 10 years, he served as his father’s right-hand man and as a conduit to the IRGC."

"Mojtaba may be less rhetorical, less publicly ideological, and more operational because his primary focus is survival of the regime."

Iran also confirmed Sunday it had no plans for further peace talks after the marathon summit, where Pakistan mediated.

"No plan has yet been announced for the time, place, or next round of negotiations," Iranian state news agency Nour reported Saturday, citing the country’s Supreme National Security Council, with no statement from the new Supreme Leader.

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"Mojtaba is less the supreme leader in the traditional sense and more the coordinator of a security-led system," Sepehrrad explained before describing him as "more like a security-backed coordinator."

"This regime does not communicate with one unified voice. It communicates by function," Sepehrrad said.

"One channel negotiates, another threatens, another punishes, and another tries to maintain ideological continuity. It is now a mafia," the strategist claimed.

"The key point is not harmony but division of labor. What holds them together is regime survival, not trust."

"What we are seeing now is deeper: a leader who lacks organic authority and therefore governs through the institution that controls force," Sepehrrad said.

On the Iranian side, negotiations, the analyst said, also did involve "diplomats," but a wider circle of security-linked figures shaping Tehran’s posture, reflecting the increasing dominance of hardline institutions.

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"This was a brittle coalition of security men," Sepehrrad said, before describing how Mojtaba is "at the top, but is heavily reliant on the Guards, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, SNSC chief Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, IRGC commander Ahmad Vahidi, Judiciary chief Mohseni-Ejei, and law enforcement chief Ahmad-Reza Radan."

"Several of the most important surviving figures are not primarily diplomats," Sepehrrad said before suggesting that that should "change how we should read everything coming out of Tehran."

"That is a different system from the one many Western analysts still think they are dealing with," Sepehrrad explained. "Dual track — tactical flexibility in talks and a harsher repression at home."

"While the regime negotiates to buy time, reduce pressure on its forces, and prevent broader external escalation, internally, it is likely to intensify arrests, executions, intimidation, and internet controls now," the strategist warned.

"The regime fears internal unrest more than diplomacy," Sepehrrad said.

For Mehdi Ghadimi, the ideology behind Iran’s ruling system is not theoretical. It was something he was taught from childhood.

"You were told you are a part a small group chosen by God… to revive God’s religion and fight to defend it," the Iranian journalist told Fox News Digital, describing the message repeated in schools, mosques and state media.

That early indoctrination, he said, framed the world in stark terms: a divine struggle between good and evil, with Iran’s leadership positioned at the center of a religious mission.

Iran’s ruling system is often described in political terms, but critics and former insiders say its core is far more radical — a belief structure rooted in religious absolutism, messianic expectation and a worldview that leaves little room for compromise.

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As a new generation of commanders rises within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps following recent military blows under Operation Epic Fury, analysts warn that this ideology may become even more entrenched.

Figures such as Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Ahmad Vahidi are often cited as part of a cohort shaped by years of conflict in Iraq and across the region — one that sees religion, security and survival as inseparable.

At the center of that worldview is the belief in the Mahdi — a messianic figure in Shiite Islam whose return is expected to usher in a final era of justice after chaos.

Twelver Shiism is the dominant belief for Shias, the Mahdi, identified as the 12th Imam, is alive but hidden and will one day return. Iran’s political system positions the supreme leader as his caretaker. 

Critics say that framework gives political authority a religious dimension that can make it difficult to challenge.

"For the mullahs in Iran, the Mahdi idea is less about personal faith and more about power," said Lisa Daftari, foreign policy analyst and editor-in-chief at The Foreign Desk. "They use it to suggest that the supreme leader’s views are not just political opinions, but carry a kind of divine weight."

"The system is set up so that disagreeing with the leader can be portrayed as questioning the Hidden Imam himself," she said.

"That turns ordinary policy debates into something almost untouchable… you’re no longer arguing with a politician, you’re seen as pushing back against a sacred figure."

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Ghadimi argues that this structure leaves little room for genuine political diversity.

"Groups labeled as ‘moderate,’ ‘reformist,’ or ‘pro-Western’ are created so that the West can negotiate with them," he said.

"No one within the structure of the Islamic Republic thinks about anything other than defeating the Western world and establishing Islamic dominance globally."

For Iran expert Daftari, the Mahdi doctrine also provides a flexible justification for policy.

"A lot of insiders know perfectly well that this language is being used strategically," she said. "The Mahdi story gives the leadership a way to claim moral and religious cover for decisions that are often about preserving the regime or expanding its reach."

"When they talk about ‘preparing the ground’ for the Mahdi, that phrase can be stretched to cover almost anything — crushing protests, backing militias abroad or asking people to accept more economic pain."

"This religious framing makes compromise much harder," she added. "If you convince your base that you are carrying out a holy mission… backing down can be painted as a betrayal of God’s plan."

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Ghadimi said that message is reinforced from childhood, shaping how generations understand their role in society.

In schools, media and mosques, he said, ideology was embedded into everyday life, leaving little space for alternative narratives.

That framing, analysts say, helps explain how the system sustains itself even under pressure.

It also contributes to a worldview in which conflict is not temporary, but part of a larger, ongoing struggle.

"The Islamic government, based on its own interpretation of the Quran, considers itself obligated to enforce Islamic law across the entire world," Ghadimi told Fox News Digital, adding that the regime "sees itself as the leader of this belief globally."

"They harbor hatred toward Iranians and Jews, whom they regard as enemies of Islam since its very beginning, and they consider killing them—such as on Oct. 7 and in the recent killings in Iran — to be divinely rewarded acts, much like the beliefs once held by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi," he said.

"No one within the structure of the Islamic Republic thinks about anything other than defeating the Western world and establishing Islamic dominance globally," Ghadimi said.

In that framework, critics say, Iran is not simply pursuing national interests but acting within what it sees as a broader religious mandate.

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Some critics argue that within this framework, violence can take on religious meaning.

"They consider killing them… to be divinely rewarded acts," Ghadimi said.

Still, analysts say the combination of messianic belief and absolutist ideology creates a system in which confrontation is not only expected, but justified.

An Iranian official rejected those characterizations and warned that economic collapse and destruction caused by war could drive long-term resentment.

"If a country is turned into ruins, poverty spreads. Out of such poverty comes hatred, resentment and a desire for revenge, and this cycle of hostility can continue for years. It is not correct to think that everything will simply end the day after a ceasefire. Even if there were no hostile government left in place, people within society who have lost everything may still be driven to seek retribution."

For Ghadimi, the issue is not just how Iran behaves, but how it understands itself.

If the system is rooted in a belief that blends religion, power and mission, critics say, then policies like repression at home and confrontation abroad may not be temporary tactics but structural features.

And if moderation within that system is limited, as some argue, then the challenge for policymakers is not simply negotiation, but understanding the ideology that drives it.

Iran’s supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, has been linked to two luxury apartments overlooking the Israeli Embassy in London, a location that security experts said could provide "permanent surveillance," according to multiple reports.

The multimillion-dollar Kensington properties sit next to the high-profile embassy compound and were identified by UK media, drawing on findings from a yearlong probe into Khamenei’s potential overseas assets.

The Times of London reported on March 5 that the one building "sits next to the Israeli Embassy on Palace Green," placing the residences in exceptional proximity to one of Israel’s most sensitive diplomatic sites.

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The revelations stem from a Bloomberg investigation that alleged that the Khamenei portfolio could span multiple countries and include high-value real estate in London, totaling around $138M as well as assets in Europe and the Gulf.

The two London apartments were reportedly acquired in 2014 and 2016 via intermediaries and occupy upper floors of the building, offering a direct vantage point toward the rear of the Israeli embassy compound, UK media reported.

A terrorism specialist quoted in reports said the positioning effectively means "Iran owns the view into the back of the Israeli Embassy from less than 50 meters away," describing the situation as a potential "serious security breach."

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Roger Macmillan, a former director of security at the Iranian dissident satellite channel Iran International, also said the two apartments had "a direct line of sight, held through Mojtaba Khamenei. That's not a property portfolio — it's a permanent surveillance platform."

"This is a serious security breach," he added.

Further details from Bloomberg’s investigation indicated that a businessman acted as a financial conduit, buying up high-end properties on Khamenei’s behalf and channeling funds through a network of investments.

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The investigation also found that 11 mansions on London's "Billionaire’s Row" were purchased using an Isle of Man shell company.

The Financial Times has also similarly reported on links between Khamenei’s associates and luxury assets across Europe.

Khamenei, 56, has been viewed as a powerful figure within Iran’s ruling establishment, ultimately becoming the leading successor to his father, who was killed in a Tehran compound strike on Feb. 28. 

So far, since he was selected by Iran's Assembly of Experts, he has not been seen in public.

Iran’s new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, is little more than an "empty entity" who is not at the helm of the regime, according to Israeli national security sources.

The son of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed in a targeted Israeli strike on Feb. 28, is also linked to what officials describe as a "misfunctioning" regime.

"The new leader is an empty entity," Kobi Michael, a defense analyst at the Institute for National Security Studies and the Misgav Institute, told Fox News Digital.

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"Mojtaba Khamenei does not appear in public, but we also have reliable indications that he does not control or lead the regime or what has been left of the regime.

"The current Iranian leadership is broken, confused and is almost misfunctioning."

Mojtaba reportedly escaped death by minutes when his father was killed Feb. 28, leaving the compound for a walk shortly before an Israeli missile strike, according to leaked audio accessed by The Telegraph.

The audio, reportedly from a March 12 meeting, revealed details about the strikes that also took out several members of the Khamenei family.

Mazaher Hosseini, head of protocol for Khamenei’s office, is supposedly heard in the audio telling senior leaders that Mojtaba sustained "a minor injury to his leg." 

Since being named supreme leader, Mojtaba has not made one public appearance. Instead, a message by him was read on Iranian state TV, warning of continued strikes and urging Gulf nations to shut down U.S. bases.

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Other reports claimed Mojtaba was in critical condition or even in a coma, though Iranian officials have insisted that the new supreme leader is in good health.

Mojtaba Khamenei vowed revenge Wednesday after the killing of senior security official Ali Larijani in an Israeli strike.

"Such acts of terror only reflect the enemies’ hostility and will strengthen the resolve of the Islamic nation. Undoubtedly, justice will be served," the statement said.

Larijani, one of Iran’s top security figures, was killed after Israeli intelligence reportedly located him and other officials on the outskirts of Tehran.

Other senior figures have also been killed in recent strikes, including Basij militia leader Gholamreza Soleimani, according to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

"This is not a new phase, but a continuing effort and a very successful and impressive one and a crucial component of the strategy meant to weaken the Iranian regime," Michael said of the continued strikes at regime figures.

"This is to the degree that it will not be able to reconstitute itself and/or to become again a severe threat and destabilizing player in the broader Middle East."

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After the opening U.S.-Israeli strikes, President Donald Trump told the Iranian people that their "moment of freedom" was at hand.

"When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take," Trump said, suggesting the U.S. would help bring down the Iranian regime.

"At the very same time, by weakening the regime and paralyzing its capacities generally speaking and its domestic control specifically, the U.S. and Israel are facilitating the required conditions for the Iranian people to topple the regime," Michael added.

"This is the ultimate victory in their eyes, and the route to this destination is that they are trying to increase any damage wherever they can."

Exiled Iranian Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi said Saturday he is ready to lead Iran’s transition "as soon as the Islamic Republic falls."

As the war in Iran entered its third week, Pahlavi — the son of the late Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi — said he has been working in recent months to develop a transition plan should the Iranian regime collapse to ensure the country does not experience a disruption in governance.

Pahlavi said in a social media post that "capable individuals" have been identified both inside and outside Iran to lead what he called a "transitional system."

"The transitional system, under my leadership, will be ready to assume governance of the country as soon as the Islamic Republic falls and, in the shortest possible time, establish order, security, freedom and the conditions for Iran’s prosperity and flourishing," he said.

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Pahlavi has lived in exile since the 1979 Islamic Revolution toppled Iran’s monarchy and established the Islamic Republic.

He has in recent years sought to position himself as a unifying opposition figure and has said he would help guide a transition of power from theocracy to democracy in Iran.

In a message addressed to his "compatriots," Pahlavi said his plan for governing the country would fall within the framework of the "Iran Prosperity Project."

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He said that many compatriots with valuable experience and expertise have declared "their readiness to participate in the rebuilding of the country and to serve the homeland."

Since joint operations between the U.S. and Israel began, nearly 50 regime figures have been killed, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

His son, Mojtaba Khamenei, was elected this week by Iran’s Assembly of Experts as the country’s new supreme leader.

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In an appearance last week on Fox News’ "My View" with Lara Trump, Pahlavi said the Iranian people would not accept any outcome moving forward tied to the current regime.

"Only a clean break will ensure that not only we achieve a democratic solution and alternative to this regime, but there will be people who are not in any form or shape directly associated with this regime," he said.

Pahlavi said the Iranian people must decide their country’s leadership and that "only the ballot box should determine the outcome and who will be responsible for our country in the future."

"I think what we will expect any government, including, of course, the current Trump administration to recognize that indeed the best way to help the Iranian people is to allow them to make that choice freely and to support that choice as a Western democracy, as the leading democracy in the world," he said.

An elite counterterrorism unit has been deployed to protect Iran’s newly appointed Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, following the assassination of his father, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Fox News Digital has learned.

The force, known as NOPO — Iran’s black-clad Counterterrorism Special Force — was assigned to safeguard the leader after a U.S.-Israel strike on a Tehran compound on Feb. 28 killed the elder Khamenei amid the start of Operation Epic Fury.

"With Khamenei gone, NOPO will likely now be protecting Mojtaba Khamenei," Ali Safavi, an official with the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Paris-based National Council of Resistance of Iran, or NCRI said.

The NOPO force, formed in 1991, had the 28th Ruhollah (Khomeini’s first name) Division as its "nucleus", according to Safavi, and typically handles hostage rescue operations. "Its task was not to protect Khamenei," he added.

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The history of the unit also includes deployments against internal security threats, and it has often been called on to suppress protests.

Iran’s Assembly of Experts elected Mojtaba Khamenei on March 8, 2026, elevating him as the third Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic.

His succession comes amid ongoing war with the U.S. and Israel, but so far, Mojtaba Khamenei has not been heard from since the start of the conflict.

According to The Times of Israel, Iranian state television reported that Mojtaba Khamenei was wounded in the war, with the reports yet unconfirmed.

"NOPO is the Farsi acronym for Nirouyeh Vijeh Pasdaran Velayat, which translates into the Special Force to Protect the Supreme Leader," Safavi further explained before clarifying that "Velayat is not necessarily the supreme leader, but the entirety of the regime."

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Over time, NOPO has evolved into a highly specialized unit distinct from the broader Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the military branch established in 1979 to defend the Islamic Republic and its leadership from internal and external threats.

"The NOPO is composed of six brigades only. Four are stationed in Tehran, one in Mashhad and one in Isfahan," Safavi said.

"They are far more lethal, ruthless and well-trained than the IRGC," he claimed before describing how the brigade’s loyalty was to the Supreme Leader.

"This force was used for the protection of Khamenei," Safavi continued. "They are very well-equipped. Khamenei did not trust any other security force for his protection."

Safavi also said that with battalions distributed in other provinces, some members of the unit are involved in protest suppression and the brigade is fully operational.

"Some of the NOPO are now involved in the suppressive and security measures the regime has also undertaken in recent days to prevent any outbreak of protests anywhere," Safavi said.

The elite force’s activities extend beyond personal protection in times of crisis, Safavi added.

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"But in times of crisis, such as what happened during the January uprising, they were heavily involved in opening fire on the protesters," he said.

This comes amid reports that hundreds of NOPO members have also been widely deployed around prisons in Iran that are holding political detainees.

"Hundreds of suppressive forces are widely deployed around the prison. In Ghezel Hesar Prison," the NCRI said in a statement.

On Tuesday, March 3, 2026, following the bombing of a military center near Mahabad Prison, prisoners whose ward doors had been locked protested and set fire to their blankets, demanding their release under wartime conditions.

"Suppressive forces responded by firing tear gas into the ward," the NCRI reported.

Reports also indicated NOPO had taken control of Evin Prison in Tehran following the flight of regular prison officials amid intensified conflict.

In 2021, the U.S. Treasury Department imposed sanctions on NOPO for its part in committing "serious human rights abuses against persons in Iran or Iranian citizens or residents, or the family members of the foregoing."

"Think of Mojtaba Khamenei as his father on steroids."

That is how Kasra Aarabi, director of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps research at the advocacy group United Against Nuclear Iran, described Iran’s new supreme leader in comments to Fox News Digital following reports that the son of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has been selected to lead the Islamic Republic.

"Mojtaba was already operating as a ‘mini supreme leader’ in the Bayt-e Rahbari — his father’s office and the core nucleus of power in the regime," Aarabi said.

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"His father had created the Bayt’s extensive apparatus as a hidden power structure to ensure continuity should he be eliminated — and through Mojtaba’s appointment, this is exactly what we will get," Aarabi said.

President Donald Trump also reacted to Mojtaba Khamenei’s rise. In an interview with the New York Post, Trump said he was "not happy with" the younger Khamenei replacing his father as leader of Iran’s theocratic system but declined to elaborate on how the United States might respond. "Not going to tell you," Trump said when asked about his plans regarding the new supreme leader. "Not going to tell you. I’m not happy with him."

An Iranian source with knowledge of the leadership transition told Fox News Digital that earlier speculation Mojtaba might pursue reforms now appears unlikely given the circumstances surrounding his appointment.

"Previously there were whispers suggesting that if Mojtaba were to become the leader, he might introduce reforms that would both open up the domestic political space and bring a more interactive approach to foreign policy," the source said.

"However, now this possibility seems very weak."

Mojtaba was chosen "amid disputes, controversies, and pressure from the IRGC," according to the source, meaning he "owes his appointment to their support and therefore cannot act against their wishes."

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Mojtaba Khamenei, 56, has spent decades building influence inside the power structures surrounding Iran’s supreme leader.

Born in 1969 in Mashhad, he pursued clerical studies in Tehran, Iran, after the 1979 Islamic Revolution that brought his father to prominence. Over time, however, analysts say his influence developed less through traditional clerical authority and more through Iran’s security institutions.

In 2019, the United States sanctioned Mojtaba under Executive Order 13867. The U.S. Treasury Department said he had been "representing the supreme leader in an official capacity despite never being elected or appointed to a government position aside from work in the office of his father."

Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies' Iran Program, said Mojtaba’s background reflects a broader shift inside the Islamic Republic.

"Despite donning a turban, Mojtaba is the product of the regime’s national security deep state," Ben Taleblu told Fox News Digital. "Expect him to work with and through the IRGC to keep his hold on power."

Aarabi said Mojtaba has spent years consolidating influence behind the scenes.

"His past tells us he enjoys micromanaging every aspect of authority to satisfy his thirst for power," Aarabi said, describing how Mojtaba allegedly relocated IRGC command centers to his office during protests, engineered election outcomes and installed loyalists across state institutions.

Since 2019, Aarabi added, Mojtaba has also been implementing what he described as his father’s effort to "purify" the regime by promoting ideological loyalists across the political system.

"Mojtaba is a deeply antisemitic, anti-American, and anti-Western ideologue," Aarabi said. "He has personally been involved in repression in Iran and terror plots abroad."

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Analysts say Mojtaba’s rise may further strengthen the role of Iran’s security institutions.

"The rise of the younger Khamenei expedites trendlines seen in Iranian politics and national security for years," Ben Taleblu said. "From one Khamenei to another, things in Iran can be expected to go from bad to worse if this regime survives."

"And like the elder Khamenei, corruption runs in the family," he added.

Ben Taleblu warned that the regime may also escalate tensions externally as a survival strategy.

"The regime knows it is weak, but believes it can extract a price and widen a crisis in order to survive," he said.

For opposition groups inside Iran, the leadership transition signals continuity rather than reform.

"He's the son of Khamenei and they have same ideology and they same strategy and they try to continue the same policy," said Khalid Azizi, spokesperson for the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran.

"So far it's very difficult to say what he will be done and is he going to have a different policy? I don't expect this."

The Iranian source who spoke with Fox News Digital said that while engagement with the United States and the West is theoretically possible in the future, the chances remain slim.

"As I mentioned," the source said, "this possibility is very weak."

"In short," Aarabi said, "Mojtaba is his father on steroids. He’s certainly no MBS."

Iran’s Assembly of Experts has elected Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of the late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as the country’s new supreme leader, according to Iranian state television.

Mojtaba Khamenei, 56, is the second-eldest son of Ali Khamenei and was born in Mashhad in 1969.

His early childhood coincided with his father’s rise as a revolutionary figurehead opposing the monarchy of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

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After the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Ali Khamenei moved from a dissident cleric to a senior government official, holding key posts in the regime including deputy defense minister.

The family moved from Mashhad to Tehran, where Mojtaba attended Alavi High School, which is a school that is known for educating members of Iran’s political and religious elite.

There, he received a general and religious education and graduated in 1987. In 1989, after the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Ali Khamenei was appointed supreme leader.

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That same year, Mojtaba began his formal clerical studies in Tehran. He studied under his father as well as Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, who later served as Iran’s chief justice.

Over the years, Mojtaba was seen constantly with his father and was also regarded as an influential figure behind the scenes.

In an Axios interview last week, when asked about reports suggesting Mojtaba Khamenei was the new supreme leader, President Donald Trump said, "Khamenei's son is unacceptable to me. We want someone who will bring harmony and peace to Iran." Trump also said "They are wasting their time. Khamenei's son is a lightweight. I have to be involved in the appointment, like with Delcy [Rodriguez] in Venezuela."

In 2019, the U.S. sanctioned Mojtaba Khamenei under Executive Order 13867. The U.S. Treasury Department stated that he had been "representing the supreme leader in an official capacity despite never being elected or appointed to a government position aside from work in the office of his father." 

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The Treasury also said that the supreme leader had delegated part of his leadership responsibilities to Mojtaba. 

It said he worked closely with commanders of the IRGC’s Quds Force and the Basij Resistance Force, positioning him as a key player in both domestic and international security affairs.

Mojtaba is married to the daughter of former Iranian Parliament Speaker Gholam Ali Haddad-Adel.

Among Ali Khamenei’s sons, he is considered the most powerful and politically influential, according to reports.