Iran's supreme leader has launched a sweeping counteroffensive against President Donald Trump, attempting to rally Middle Eastern nations into an anti-American alliance, an analyst warned Sunday.

The aggressive maneuvering came hours after Trump pitched an expansion of the Abraham Accords, as an analyst said Tehran is seeking to position itself as the region’s "new sheriff" while forcing Gulf states with backchannels to Iran to choose between Washington’s security umbrella and a "New Islamic Civilization."

On Sunday, negotiations between Iran and the United States appeared to be ongoing, with Trump not yet signing off on a potential peace agreement.

Trump recently held a phone call with leaders from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Turkey, Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan and Bahrain to discuss expanding the 2020 Abraham Accords, followed by a May 25 post on Truth Social.

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Mojtaba Khamenei issued a direct counter-response on X on May 26, issuing a call for a "New Islamic Civilization" aimed at those same regional capitals.

"I, with sincerity and purity of intention, invite all Islamic countries and governments to friendship and cooperation in goodness, so that by working together we may take steps toward the advancement of the Islamic Ummah and the resolution of the Islamic world's problems," Khamenei posted.

Highlighting "the nations of the region" and "common interests that will shape the new order and the future architecture of the region and the world," he spoke of "the Islamic Ummah and the #New_Islamic_Civilization."

"The United States will no longer have a safe haven for its mischief and for establishing military bases in West Asia," he also warned.

"Mojtaba Khamenei's statement is that the Muslim world should consolidate under Iran's leadership — the 'Ummah,' the 'new Islamic civilization' — against the American-led order," Dr. Omar Mohammed told Fox News Digital.

"That is the theme, and it runs straight into the Accords narrative. This is a bid to build an alliance against the Abraham Accords," said Mohammed, director of the Antisemitism Research Initiative Program on Extremism at George Washington University.

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"In his statement, he also frames American bases on Muslim soil as an occupation to be expelled while wrapping it in religious language that casts the regime as God's instrument."

The counterterrorism expert noted that while the "Ummah" doctrine itself is not new — having been used by Mojtaba's father for years — the timing and targeted nature of the pitch represent a major escalation.

"This came into the Ummah with Iran, not into normalization with Israel under Washington," Mohammed explained. "Same audience, opposite frame, 24 hours apart, and a bid to assemble that alliance."

"The statement was published in full and carried by Iranian state media. It also tracks with his first statement as leader on March 12, when he demanded that U.S. bases in the region close."

"This was not a stray post," the expert warned. "While the doctrine is old, aiming it at these regions the day after Trump's pitch is what is new."

The posturing comes as Khamenei establishes his footing on the world stage, though his hidden nature complicates traditional diplomacy.

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"Tehran is selling itself to the region as the new sheriff of the neighborhood," Mohammed warned. 

"The Saudis, Qataris and Omanis have channels into the Iranian state, but you can't open a back channel to a man no one can locate. This has all been running through Pezeshkian and Araghchi."

Despite Iran's sudden rhetoric of "friendship," regional reality is defined by months of Iranian aggression against its neighbors.

Tehran's forces have actively fired upon Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Kuwait.

Mohammed added that Tehran wants to peel Gulf states away from Washington, while its threats remain aimed at both the United States and the countries that host American forces.

"Iran spent this war firing on them — it hit Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Kuwait, the same capitals it's now inviting to brotherhood, and the UAE alone reported intercepting close to 2,000 drones and hundreds of ballistic missiles since Feb. 28," Mohammed said. 

"These are the states that host our forces: the Fifth Fleet in Bahrain, Al Dhafra in the UAE and Al Udeid in Qatar. You don't take three months of Iranian fire and then sign onto its alliance."

Ultimately, Gulf capitals remain deeply skeptical of Tehran, Mohammed said, but they are equally watchful of American resolve.

"What actually worries the Gulf isn't Mojtaba's invitation — it's the deal Washington might sign," Mohammed noted, "one that hands Iran its money back with its missiles intact and reads as rewarding the regime that just attacked them."

Iran’s supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, would have to approve any final deal with the U.S. through secret courier networks while remaining in hiding as a "designated target," counterterrorism experts said Tuesday.

The unprecedented arrangement, they claimed, means Washington is negotiating a high-stakes accord with an entirely invisible counterparty, with a potential memorandum signed by a regime leader and a marked target who can never publicly show his face.

"Khamenei is a designated target, and every confirmed sighting is a coordinate," Dr. Omar Mohammed told Fox News Digital.

"The courier system used for messaging is not transitional. It is the operating system of his rule.

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"Any deal the United States signs will have to be designed for a permanently invisible counterparty whose enforcement depends on his continued survival. That is not arms control as it has been conventionally understood. It is a memorandum signed under American military pressure, with a regime whose leader cannot show his face."

Mohammed’s remarks came after Secretary of State Marco Rubio explained to reporters in India why the deal was suffering delays.

"It’s just the response," Rubio said. "I mean, when you get down on some of these things, you’ve got to hear back, and it takes the Iranians — takes them a little while longer to get back," he explained.

"That is Secretary Rubio confirming the courier latency on the record," said Dr. Omar Mohammed, director of the Antisemitism Research Initiative Program on Extremism at George Washington University. "Rubio is describing a structural feature of negotiating with a supreme leader no one can locate.

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"Mojtaba is in hiding, messages are moving by courier, and responses are arriving days late.

"Rubio just confirmed the symptom, and the administration is being honest about the problem. The question is whether the framework can be designed to survive it," Mohammed claimed.

Khamenei has spent nearly three months in hiding as tensions with the U.S. escalate.

He went underground as soon as a strike on Feb. 28 killed his father, amid reports that he was gravely injured.

He was struck in Operation Epic Fury — "wounded and likely disfigured," according to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. His wife and son were killed in the same strike.

"Officials at the highest levels of the Iranian government do not know where he is," Mohammed said, meaning every piece of information he receives is "dated, and his responses come with significant latency."

The remarks come as Iran and the United States continue talks aimed at reaching a deal to end the war that began Feb. 28.

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"If there’s going to be a deal, we’re going to have to work through that. But this is, you know, it’s either going to be a good deal or there isn’t going to be one," Rubio said Tuesday.

A senior administration official said the U.S. is prepared to ease sanctions if Iran makes major concessions on uranium enrichment. Frozen Iranian assets have also emerged as a key hurdle.

Iran said Monday that no agreement with the United States was imminent, despite progress toward a framework in talks.

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei said the focus of talks remained ending the war on all fronts, including Lebanon, and that a possible memorandum of understanding did not include specific details on managing the Strait of Hormuz.

"The real question for Washington is not how fast the framework can be signed," Mohammed added.

"It is also what enforcement looks like when the counterparty’s signature comes through a courier."

Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has spent nearly three months in hiding as tensions with the U.S. escalate — a disappearance that counterterrorism analysts say mirrors the final years of al Qaeda mastermind Osama bin Laden.

The comparison comes amid a critical standoff between Washington and Tehran that prompted President Donald Trump to pause a planned strike on May 19. On Wednesday, Trump told reporters he was in "no hurry."

Khamenei, meanwhile, appeared to share three posts on his official X account on May 18 but remains out of public view.

"For the first time in the history of the Islamic Republic, the United States has done to Tehran what it spent two decades doing to al-Qaeda and ISIS," counterterrorism expert Dr. Omar Mohammed told Fox News Digital.

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"The U.S. has driven its leader into the same kind of operational invisibility that bin Laden lived in for 10 years in Abbottabad," he added.

"Both Mojtaba Khamenei and bin Laden inherited their status on the back of an American operation, and both responded the same way: by ceasing to exist publicly," Mohammed said before adding that bin Laden "stopped releasing dated videos around 2007 and confined himself to audio messages carried by hand."

Bin Laden founded al-Qaeda in the late 1980s and masterminded the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks against the United States.

After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, bin Laden evaded capture for a decade by hiding inside a fortified compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan.

To avoid Western electronic surveillance, he severed his digital footprint and relied exclusively on a network of physical couriers, said Mohammed, an expert with the Antisemitism Research Initiative at George Washington University’s Program on Extremism.

U.S. intelligence eventually tracked one of those couriers to the compound, culminating in the 2011 Navy SEAL raid that killed the al Qaeda leader.

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"Bin Laden survived with no cables out of the Abbottabad compound. Communications were carried by hand by two trusted couriers, the Kuwaiti brothers," Mohammed said.

"Bin Laden stayed hidden for the rest of his life because the moment he surfaced was the moment he died. Mojtaba’s incentives point the same way. Mojtaba Khamenei won’t emerge," he said.

"The Abbottabad lesson, which Tehran will have studied closely, is that the safest hiding place is not a cave in Tora Bora but a walled compound in a garrison town," Mohammed added, recalling how U.S. forces targeted bin Laden in the cave complex before he escaped.

Bin Laden also lived roughly a mile from Pakistan’s top military academy, hiding in plain sight behind high concrete walls and barbed wire, Mohammed noted.

"The logical Iranian equivalents are hardened sites under or alongside IRGC facilities," Mohammed added, referring to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and possible locations where Khamenei could be.

As previously reported by Fox News Digital, one of Khamenei’s few recent communications was an X post declaring a "holy war," framing the geopolitical clash as a mandatory religious obligation.

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"This is a religious leader calling for sacred war against America and the Jews from an undisclosed location because his enemies have publicly vowed to kill him on sight," Mohammed said, describing the narrative as "the bin Laden template, almost line for line."

Mohammed also suggested Khamenei’s retreat into the shadows marks a watershed moment for Washington and the future of the Iranian regime.

His predecessor and father, Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was killed Feb. 28 in a targeted U.S.-Israeli airstrike in Tehran during Operation Epic Fury.

"This regime that for 47 years projected its power through a single visible Supreme Leader at the Friday prayer pulpit can no longer produce that figure on demand," he said, calling it a "strategic milestone."

"Predecessors killed by U.S. strikes and successors who cannot show their faces. Real power exercised by a security apparatus rather than by the nominal figurehead."

"Now one side is announcing operations on three continents through its president; the other is governed on paper by a man whose own population is uncertain where he is or what state he is in," Mohammed said.

"The contrast is also about the optics of leadership during this war," he added.

The apparent collapse of high-stakes U.S.-Iran negotiations has intensified fears that senior figures inside Tehran’s leadership could flee to Russia, seeking refuge to "continue their insurgency and undermine any new regime," an analyst warns.

The breakdown in talks comes as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also told CBS’ "60 Minutes" that toppling Iran’s regime could now even be a realistic outcome.

Netanyahu noted that any collapse would dismantle the "scaffolding" of Tehran's global terror proxy network, also potentially ending Hezbollah's influence in the region.

"The whole scaffolding of the terrorist proxy network that Iran built collapses if the regime in Iran collapses," Netanyahu said.

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"I think you can’t predict when that will happen. Is it possible? Yes. Is it guaranteed? No," he warned.

With diplomatic options perhaps exhausted and the regime's stability in question, an expert suggests the exit strategy any leadership may be eyeing might be similar to that of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who fled Syria in 2024.

"If the situation deteriorates further, some senior figures could potentially follow a path like Bashar al-Assad’s inner circle and seek refuge in Russia," Middle East expert Saeid Golkar told Fox News Digital.

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Golkar, a senior adviser at United Against Nuclear Iran, noted that flight destinations would likely depend on rank.

While top commanders like Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf might head to Moscow, lower-ranking figures would more likely seek shelter in Iraq or Afghanistan, where the IRGC maintains operational connections, he clarified.

"For the most senior figures, Russia would probably be the most likely destination, again as we saw with Bashar al-Assad," Golkar said, noting many officials have already moved wealth into "financial networks outside Iran."

The current crisis started following the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei earlier in 2026 during the onset of Operation Epic Fury.

While his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, was named successor, reports continue to indicate he was severely injured in the strikes and has been absent from recent negotiations.

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Golkar explained that the "invisible state," or Bayt-e Rahbari, was designed to survive decapitation, while the ideological cost of fleeing for leaders would be high.

"Inside the regime’s ideological culture, leaving the country during the collapse would look like desertion," Golkar noted.

However, as military fractures deepen and succession remains uncertain, the "Assad model" of seeking Russian protection appears increasingly attractive to those at the top.

Mojtaba, however, is "either dead or in bad condition that he cannot send any video or voice message," Golkar added.

"If he had died from his injuries, there was no clear natural successor. He was the continuation of the regime."

"Still, the system was designed for continuity during a crisis," Golkar said, adding that the goal is to "make sure the regime could survive even if formal institutions were damaged, leaders were killed, or civilian government stopped functioning."

"I would describe it as a regime designed not just to govern, but always to try and survive decapitation," Golkar added.

Days after Iran’s leadership projected a unified front, undermining the long-cited moderate-vs.-hardliner divide, President Donald Trump canceled planned talks with Tehran in Islamabad, Pakistan, citing "infighting and confusion" inside the regime.

Iranian American experts argue that social media posts from Iran’s new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, President Masoud Pezeshkian and other key officials reveal that the "good cop, bad cop" tactic that the regime exploited to deceive adversaries and secure generous concessions in nuclear negotiations has collapsed.

In a Truth Social post Saturday, Trump announced he canceled the trip, citing "too much time wasted on traveling" and "too much work!"

"Besides which, there is tremendous infighting and confusion within their ‘leadership,'" the president added, noting "nobody knows who is in charge, including them."

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"Also, we have all the cards, they have none!" Trump wrote. "If they want to talk, all they have to do is call!!!"

The implosion of the hardline-moderate dichotomy within the regime could have profound consequences for Trump’s approach to the atomic talks in Islamabad, experts said. Trump appeared to allude to a blurry divide between factions within Iran last week.

"Iran is having a very hard time figuring out who their leader is! They just don’t know! The infighting is between the ‘Hardliners,’ who have been losing BADLY on the battlefield, and the ‘Moderates,’ who are not very moderate at all (but gaining respect!), and it is CRAZY!" Trump wrote in an X post Thursday.

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Iran’s Supreme Leader Khamenei quickly fired back, claiming "due to the strange unity created among compatriots, a fracture has occurred in the enemy."

"With practical gratitude for this blessing, cohesion has become even greater and more steel-like, and the enemies will become more wretched and diminished," Khamenei wrote. "The enemy's media operations, by targeting the minds and psyches of the people, intend to undermine national unity and security; may our negligence not allow this sinister intent to come to fruition."

Mariam Memarsadeghi, a senior fellow at The Macdonald-Laurier Institute and founder and director of the Cyrus Forum for Iran's Future, told Fox News Digital the Islamic Republic has, for decades, fooled Western policymakers by sending moderates to negotiations as a "window dressing for its terror and subjugation."

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The officials would then tell their counterparts that they are under pressure from hardliners, implying that the West must make concessions to strengthen them internally.

"Because of the war, the Trump administration is in a remarkably advantageous situation vis-à-vis the imperial terror state, one never before attempted, much less achieved," Memarsadeghi said. 

"But every time Trump says regime change has already happened, he denies America the opportunity to finally, truly be rid of the world’s top sponsor of terror and the existential threat it poses not just to the people of Iran but to all the world."

Navid Mohebbi, who worked as a Persian media analyst for the State Department's Public Affairs Bureau, cautioned that while rivalries and factions do exist within the Islamic Republic, they are united on the regime’s core principles.

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"Their disagreements are primarily over tactics, not fundamental direction," Mohebbi told Fox News Digital, stressing that real decision-making power in Iran has always rested with the supreme leader and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

"So-called moderates have never had the final say on key strategic issues and are often used to soften the regime’s image abroad," he said. "From the perspective of the Iranian people, there has been little difference. Across administrations labeled 'moderate' or 'hardline,' the system has consistently relied on repression."

Mohebbi cited the example of Iranian regime President Hassan Rouhani, who presented himself as a moderate but whose security forces violently killed 1,500 protesters during the November 2019 uprising.

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"The same pattern has continued under Masoud Pezeshkian in the January 2026 protest massacre, reinforcing the reality that these labels have not translated into meaningful change on the ground," he said.

A regional official, however, insisted there are clashes between moderates and hardliners in Iran. The official told Fox News Digital that Pezeshkian is a moderate, but he "could not even make good on his campaign promise regarding internet freedom. To be honest, he’s not even been able to do s---.

"The joint reaction by the heads of the three branches of power was in response to Trump’s reference to the issue of rift and also to the fact that there are indeed hardliners and moderates," the official added. 

"Look, whenever Iran wants to make concessions, they throw moderates under the bus so that the moderates make a deal, and then, the hardliners blame them for the same concessions all of them had agreed to make."

Lawdan Bazargan, who was imprisoned by the Islamic Republic in the 1980s for her political dissident activities, told Fox News Digital that what officials are seeing now is not the disappearance of the divide, but the exposure of what that divide actually was.

"In reality, all of these figures — Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf [speaker of Iran’s parliament], Saeed Jalili [member of the Expediency Discernment Council], Pezeshkian, Ahmad Vahidi [head of the IRGC], Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei [head of Iran’s judiciary] — operate within the same ideological framework," Bazargan said. 

"They are all committed to the preservation of the system, the projection of power in the region and confrontation with what they define as ‘the forces of evil,’ namely the United States and Israel."

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the elite branch of the Iranian armed forces, has blocked President Masoud Pezeshkian’s presidential appointments and erected what sources described as a security cordon around Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, a report published Tuesday by Iran International said.

The IRGC effectively has assumed control over key state functions, the report claimed.

"It was always a matter of when, not if, the IRGC was going to step forward even more than it has in the last three decades," Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital.

Pezeshkian has reached a "complete political deadlock" as tensions between his administration and the military leadership deepen, according to the report.

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The reported shift could have major consequences far beyond Iran. 

Analysts say a more powerful IRGC likely would mean a more confrontational Iran, less willing to compromise in talks with Washington and more inclined to continue military escalation across the region. With U.S.-Iran negotiations already faltering and uncertainty growing over whether Tehran will even send negotiators to the next round of talks, the rise of the Revolutionary Guard raises fresh doubts about who actually is making decisions in Iran and whether any civilian official can still speak for the regime.

"But it’s a mistake to assume this is some sort of coup," Ben Taleblu said. "This has been the process in Iran for years now, as the regime has chosen conflict over cooperation and emboldened its security forces at every juncture."

Pezeshkian’s recent effort to appoint a new intelligence minister collapsed after direct pressure from IRGC commander Ahmad Vahidi, sources told Iran International, arguing that all proposed candidates, including former Defense Minister Hossein Dehghan, were rejected.

Vahidi reportedly insisted that under wartime conditions, all critical and sensitive positions must be chosen and managed directly by the Revolutionary Guard until further notice.

"By any standard, Vahidi is considered a radical even within the regime’s hardline elite, and his rise is a warning that Tehran’s war machine now calls the shots," Lisa Daftari, foreign policy analyst and journalist, told Fox News Digital.

Under Iran’s system, the president traditionally nominates an intelligence minister only after securing approval from the supreme leader. But with the condition and whereabouts of Mojtaba Khamenei unclear in recent weeks, the IRGC appears to be increasingly acting without civilian oversight.

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The report claims Pezeshkian repeatedly has sought an urgent meeting with Khamenei but has been unable to establish contact.

Instead, according to Iran International, a "military council" made up of senior IRGC officers now controls access to the center of power, preventing government reports from reaching Mojtaba and effectively isolating him from the elected government.

Still, analysts say the reported power struggle reflects a longer trend in Iran, where the Revolutionary Guard has steadily expanded its influence over politics, the economy and national security.

Ben Taleblu argued that Pezeshkian’s apparent sidelining should not be viewed as a dramatic break from the past because the president never exercised significant independent authority.

"Those who worry about Pezeshkian’s potential sidelining need to consider what he realistically was or wasn’t able to do mere months ago when the regime slaughtered 40,000 Iranians in the streets," he said.

Pezeshkian, elected in 2025 on promises of moderation and reform, has repeatedly found himself constrained by the security establishment and the clerical leadership.

The latest report suggests that dynamic has intensified dramatically as Iran faces growing external pressure and internal uncertainty.

One of the most striking claims involves Ali Asghar Hejazi, a powerful security official inside the office of the supreme leader.

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Some of Mojtaba Khamenei’s associates are now trying to push Hejazi out because he opposed Mojtaba succeeding his father, according to Iran International.

The report said Hejazi warned members of the Assembly of Experts that Mojtaba lacked the qualifications to become supreme leader and that hereditary succession would violate the principles laid out by Ali Khamenei.

Hejazi reportedly also warned that putting Mojtaba in power would effectively hand the country to the Revolutionary Guard and permanently sideline civilian institutions.

That warning increasingly appears to reflect what is already happening.

The Revolutionary Guard, created after the 1979 Islamic Revolution to defend the regime, has long evolved far beyond a military force. It now controls major sections of Iran’s economy, oversees the country’s missile and nuclear programs, and exerts influence across nearly every branch of government.

Analysts say the latest developments suggest the IRGC is no longer operating behind the scenes, but is openly emerging as the dominant force in Tehran.

Iran’s mission to the United Nations declined to comment.

As President Donald Trump’s deadline for Iran to decide whether to extend a two-week ceasefire between the countries approaches, attention is increasingly turning not to Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, but to a shadowy Revolutionary Guard commander with a long record of terror, repression and hardline ideology.

Ahmad Vahidi, recently elevated to the top of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the elite paramilitary force within Iran’s military, is emerging as one of the most powerful men in Iran and, according to analysts, one of the key figures likely deciding whether Tehran resumes fighting or continues talks.

"By any standard, Vahidi is considered a radical even within the regime’s hardline elite, and his rise is a warning that Tehran’s war machine now calls the shots," Lisa Daftari, foreign policy analyst and journalist, told Fox News Digital.

"Putting someone with such a bloody and murderous record at the top of the Revolutionary Guard Corps confirms that the regime is not moderating under pressure. On the contrary," Daftari added, "it is doubling down on men whose careers are built on hostage‑taking, assassinations, and domestic repression. By any standard, Vahidi is considered a radical even within the regime’s hardline elite, and his rise is a warning that Tehran’s war machine now calls the shots."

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Why it matters: Analysts say Vahidi’s rise could shape whether Iran moves toward peace or deeper conflict. For the U.S., that means heightened risks to troops, allies and global stability if a hardline figure with a history tied to terror networks is now helping call the shots in Iran.

Vahidi’s rise comes at a moment when Iran’s formal political institutions appear weaker than ever.

Experts describe the Islamic Republic today as a system in which informal networks and personal relationships matter more than official titles.

Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, described Iran as "a system of men, not laws, but one whose success rested on institutionalizing their power," where decisions increasingly flow through Revolutionary Guard figures rather than the civilian government.

Beni Sabti, an Iran expert at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, said Vahidi may now be even more influential than parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf or even Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba Khamenei.

"In my view, he is more dominant right now, even if they are coordinated. This is not a time for internal competition," Sabti said, adding that Vahidi is the only one who meets the new supreme leader face-to-face.

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Long before the world knew the name Qassem Soleimani, the longtime commander of Iran’s elite Quds Force who was killed in a 2020 U.S. drone strike, Vahidi was one of the men who helped build the infrastructure of Iran’s overseas terror operations.

He served as commander of the Quds Force in the 1990s, before Soleimani took over the elite unit responsible for foreign operations, covert action and support for proxy groups. 

Analysts say Vahidi played a central role in building Iran’s network of terrorist allies across the Middle East, particularly in Lebanon.

"Ahmad Vahidi is the embodiment of the Islamic Republic’s most militant wing," Daftari told Fox News Digital. "As Qassem Soleimani’s predecessor at the Quds Force, he helped build Tehran’s terror infrastructure abroad."

Sabti said Vahidi was part of the original generation of Iranian operatives who forged ties with militant groups in Lebanon before and after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

Some accounts suggest he trained in camps linked to Palestinian and Lebanese factions in southern Lebanon, helping lay the foundation for Iran’s alliance with Hezbollah, an Iran-backed terror group, in Lebanon. 

Vahidi has been linked by analysts and Western governments to some of the deadliest attacks carried out by Iranian-backed networks over the past four decades.

As the commander of the Quds Force from 1988 to 1998, he has been connected to the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing that killed 241 U.S. service members, the 1996 Khobar Towers attack in Saudi Arabia, and a 2008 attack on the U.S. Embassy in Yemen.

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Daftari noted that Vahidi "has been implicated by Argentine prosecutors in the 1994 bombing of the AMIA (Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires." Eighty-five people were killed in the bombing. 

Argentine investigators and courts have also linked Vahidi to the 1992 bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires, although the Interpol red notice against him is specifically for his alleged role in the 1994 AMIA bombing.

In April, Argentina renewed attention on him after its President Javier Milei’s government designated the entire Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist organization and singled out Vahidi by name.

In announcing the move, the Argentine government said that red notices remained in place for several Iranian officials, "among them former Defense Minister Ahmad Vahidi, who was recently appointed to lead the IRGC."

Vahidi is under multiple layers of sanctions by both the United States and the European Union. The sanctions significantly restrict his ability to travel, move money or do business internationally.

Washington first sanctioned him in 2010 for links to Iran’s nuclear and missile programs. Vahidi was redesignated in 2022 for "being an official of the Government of Iran and being responsible for or complicit in, or responsible for ordering, controlling, or otherwise directing, the commission of serious human rights abuses against persons in Iran or Iranian citizens or residents, or the family members of the foregoing, on or after June 12, 2009, regardless of whether such abuses occurred in Iran."

He was redesignated by the United States in 2022 under Executive Order 13553 after Mahsa Amini’s death, when he served as interior minister and oversaw the regime’s response to nationwide protests.

Vahidi was sanctioned for orchestrating internet blackouts and directing Iran’s Law Enforcement Command, known as NAJA, during the crackdown, according to the U.S. Treasury. 

The European Union first sanctioned him in 2008, and imposed parallel sanctions in 2022 over the use of live ammunition, arbitrary detention of protesters and journalists, and the violent suppression of demonstrations.

Human rights groups accused Iranian authorities of using live fire, mass arrests and torture against protesters, which resulted in more than 30,000 deaths.

Yigal Carmon, founder and president of the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) warned, "Under his leadership, more such crimes are to be expected in the West against both Jews and non-Jews."

PAKISTANI GENERAL SAYS IRAN DIPLOMACY STILL 'ALIVE, DESPITE US BLOCKADE, FAILED TALKS

Experts say Vahidi is not merely another hardliner, but one of the most extreme figures even within Iran’s already radical ruling elite.

Sabti is warning that Vahidi’s growing influence could make Tehran less likely to agree to a genuine ceasefire.

"He brings even more radicalization into the system and may not want to stop the war, because it serves the interests of the Revolutionary Guards to continue," Sabti said.

One of the biggest concerns surrounding Vahidi is that even if Iran agrees to a ceasefire, he may see it only as an opportunity to regroup.

That concern has taken on new urgency as Trump’s deadline approaches.

If Vahidi is indeed the man increasingly calling the shots in Iran, analysts say the key question is not whether Iran wants a ceasefire, but whether the Revolutionary Guard commander believes continued confrontation better serves his interests.

Carmon said, "Trusting him is a grave mistake. He belongs to the hard 'DEATH TO AMERICA' corps."

Iran’s mission to the United Nations declined to comment.

Mossad Director Dadi Barnea declared Tuesday that Israel’s operations against Iran will end "only once the extremist regime in Iran is replaced." 

Barnea made the remark during a Holocaust commemoration event, according to The Wall Street Journal. 

"We meticulously planned so that our operations would continue and manifest themselves even in the period following the strikes in Tehran," Barnea reportedly said. "Our commitment will be fulfilled only once the extremist regime in Iran is replaced." 

"Forty days of intense combat have led to highly significant achievements, foremost among them a blow to the enemy's central objective -- the destruction of the State of Israel," Barnea added, according to Ynetnews. "However, our mission has not yet been completed."

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Israel began its Operation Roaring Lion against Iran on Feb. 28, the same day the U.S. military launched Operation Epic Fury. 

The joint U.S.-Israel effort has decimated Iran’s military and missile infrastructure and resulted in the death of former Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Hosseini Khamenei. 

CHINA SLAMS US MILITARY BLOCKADE OF STRAIT OF HORMUZ AS A 'DANGEROUS AND IRRESPONSIBLE MOVE'

Iran's new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei is severely disfigured after sustaining leg and face injuries during initial airstrikes on Tehran in February, Reuters reported earlier this week.

Khamenei is recovering after incurring the injuries in the Feb. 28 airstrikes that killed his father. 

Fox News Digital’s Robert McGreevy contributed to this report.